jual foredi di bekasi jual foredi di cikarang jual foredi di jakarta

Lebih memilih mana, membeli baru atau memperbaiki yang telah ada? Terkadang kita juga telah berpikiran bahwa untuk membeli baru

Lebih memilih mana, membeli baru atau memperbaiki yang telah ada? Terkadang kita juga telah berpikiran bahwa untuk membeli baru itu akan lebih baik lagi, namun tidak ada salahnya kan bisa kita untuk mencoba memperbaiki. Membeli hanya akan membuang uang untuk keperluan yang tidak perlu saja, kecuali jika anda telah memiliki banyak uang. Jika sparepart ac nya ada kenapa tidak mencoba memperbaikinya. Sparepart ac juga bisa ditemukan di pusat sparepart ac / disini

Berat rasanya hidup tanpa AC (Air Conditioner) atau kita sebut sebagai pendingin ruangan. Adakalanya kalo lagi membutuhkan terkadang AC tidak berjalan dengan baik.

Sebenarnya dalam memperbaiki AC anda selayaknya harus tau apa apa yang menjadi bagian Sparepart AC, antara lain, Indoor, Filter dan Outdoor. Memperbaiki AC tidaklah mahal, hanya perlu menyiapkan Sparepart AC yang dibutuhkan saja ketimbang anda membelinya dengan yang baru.

Jika anda merasa keberatan untuk dapat mendandani AC anda, anda tidak perlu khawatir, Service Sparepart AC lebih efektif ketimbang anda membelinya dengan yang baru cukup bayar 200 ribu (ditambah beberapa perangkat yang hanya menghabiskan kurang dari 500 ribu), anda hanya tinggal duduk manis dan Sparepart AC anda akan menyala lagi. Selamat mencoba

Saco-Indonesia.com - Penyanyi dangdut Ayu Ting Ting benar-benar serius menghadapi kasus perceraiannya atas Enji. Tidak tanggung-tanggung, dia akan didampingi pengacara kelas wahid, OC Kaligis dan anggota timnya, sekitar 8 orang.

Saco-Indonesia.com - Penyanyi dangdut Ayu Ting Ting benar-benar serius menghadapi kasus perceraiannya atas Enji. Tidak tanggung-tanggung, dia akan didampingi pengacara kelas wahid, OC Kaligis dan anggota timnya, sekitar 8 orang.

Salah satu tim anggota tim pengacara OC Kaligis, Alfian Bonjol menganggap niat Ayu Ting Ting menggunakan delapan pengacara sebagai sesuatu yang wajar. Pihaknya pun tidak kesulitan untuk menghadapi permintaan kliennya.

"Di kantor kami ada 80 orang lawyer. Ini Ayu cuma pakai 8 lawyer, jadi enggak masalah kan," tandas Alfian Bonjol sambil tersenyum, saat mendampingi Ayu Ting Ting mendaftarkan gugatannya di Pengadilan Agama (PA) Depok, Jawa Barat, Senin (27/1).

Di tempat yang sama, Ayu Ting Ting juga menyampaikan bantahan kalau dirinya harus menjual mobil, demi membayar para pengacaranya tersebut.

"Mobil dijual katanya bayar pengacara. Aduh, enggak lah, jahat banget. Mereka (pengacara) tulus bantu saya," bantah Ayu.

Sumber : Merdeka.com

Editor : Maulana Lee

Mengonsumsi serangga bisa menjadi cara untuk memerangi kelaparan di dunia. Demikian menurut sebuah laporan PBB terbaru.

NEW YORK, Saco-Indonesia.com — Mengonsumsi serangga bisa menjadi cara untuk memerangi kelaparan di dunia. Demikian menurut sebuah laporan PBB terbaru.

Laporan yang dirilis Organisasi Pangan dan Pertanian (FAO) itu juga mengatakan bahwa mengonsumsi serangga meningkatkan nutrisi konsumennya dan mengurangi polusi.

FAO mencatat setidaknya dua miliar orang di seluruh dunia sudah mengonsumsi serangga sebagai variasi makanan sehari-hari mereka.

Lebah, kumbang, dan serangga-serangga lainnya saat ini sudah menjadi makanan bagi manusia dan hewan ternak. FAO mengatakan, peternakan serangga adalah salah satu jalan untuk meningkatkan ketahanan pangan dunia.

"Serangga ada di mana-mana dan mereka bereproduksi sangat cepat. Serangga memiliki pertumbuhan tertinggi, tetapi meninggalkan jejak lingkungan yang sangat rendah," demikian laporan FAO.

Laporan itu juga menyebut serangga juga memiliki rasa yang lezat, tinggi kadar protein, serta memiliki kadar lemak dan mineral yang memadai.

Serangga, lanjut FAO, bisa menjadi makanan pengganti yang penting, khususnya bagi anak-anak yang kekurangan gizi.

Serangga juga sangat efisien saat diolah menjadi makanan. Sebagai contoh, jangkrik. Serangga ini membutuhkan jumlah makanan 12 kali lebih sedikit ketimbang hewan ternak besar untuk memproduksi kandungan protein yang sama.

Selain itu, sebagian besar serangga juga menghasilkan gas rumah kaca berbahaya lebih kecil dibanding ternak lainnya.

Serangga di sejumlah kawasan sudah menjadi makanan reguler. Namun, sebagian besar warga negara Barat masih menganggap serangga sangat menjijikkan untuk dikonsumsi.

Laporan FAO itu juga menyarankan agar industri makanan dunia ikut mempromosikan dan meningkatkan status serangga dengan memasukkan mereka ke dalam resep baru dan menambahkan serangga ke dalam menu-menu restoran.

Di beberapa belahan dunia, serangga bahkan sudah dianggap menjadi makanan sehari-hari. Misalnya, di Afrika bagian selatan, warga di sana menganggap ulat sebagai makanan mewah dan dijual dengan harga tinggi.

 

Editor :Liwon Maulana(glipat)

saco-indonesia.com, Sebuah analisis baru-baru ini telah mengungkapkan bahwa dalam 20 tahun terakhir jumlah es di Alaska semakin

saco-indonesia.com, Sebuah analisis baru-baru ini telah mengungkapkan bahwa dalam 20 tahun terakhir jumlah es di Alaska semakin lama semakin menurun. Data ini telah didapat dari sebuah satelit radar yang telah mengitari beberapa kawasan bumi untuk dapat memantau situasi.

Kemungkinan besar, hal tersebut telah disebabkan oleh pemanasan global atau global warming. Lebih parah lagi, ilmuwan juga mengungkapkan kondisi akan terus berlanjut hingga di tahun-tahun mendatang.

Menurut lansiran Softpedia (3/2), hasil dari penyelidikan juga mengungkapkan bahwa penurunan danau es ini juga merupakan akibat langsung dari perubahan iklim dan pergeseran kecil lainnya terkait habitat serta ekosistem di seluruh dunia.

Jika hal ini terus akan terjadi, bukan tidak mungkin bumi akan merasakan akibatnya. Suhu bumi meningkat drastis. Otomatis, udara akan terasa panas dan semakin panas dari tahun ke tahun.

Beberapa wilayah di penjuru dunia sudah merasakan suhu ekstrem yang tidak wajar. Pemanasan global benar-benar akan menghantui penduduk bumi. Akankah ini terus berlanjut?


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Pusing tujuh keliling (vertigo) merupakan suatu gejala yang sering menyertai gangguan alat keseimbangan dalam telinga tengah, pa

Pusing tujuh keliling (vertigo) merupakan suatu gejala yang sering menyertai gangguan alat keseimbangan dalam telinga tengah, pada kasus ringan, gejala pusing tujuh keliling dapat hilang atau mereda dengan menutup mata, tetapi pada kasus berat gejala pusing tujuh keliling sedemikian hebat sehingga seolah-olah seperti mabuk perjalanan disertai rasa mual, muntah dan keringat dingin.

Gejala pusing tujuh keliling dapat merupakan gejala dari hipertensi (tekanan darah tinggi) pengerasan pembuluh nadi (arteriosclerosis) neurosis atau gangguan telinga.

 

ETIOLOGI DAN PATOGENESIS DALAM AKUPUNTUR

a.     EKSES YANG LIVER

Liver atau hati yang berunsur kayu dan angin memiliki ciri bergerak dan naik keatas. Kecemasan, depresi dan marah dapat merusak Yin hati sehingga Yang hati ekses.

Pusing tujuh keliling terjadi apabila Yang hati bergerak seperti angin yang naik menyerang otak. Atau biasanya defisiensi air ginjal menyebabkan kegagalan untuk member Qi ke Hati.

Pusing tujuh keliling terjadi karena Hati kekurangan energy sehingga menimbulkan ekses Yang Hati, kadang terjadi defisiensi pada bagian bawah tubuh dan ekses pada bagian atas tubuh bersamaan.

b.    

     DEFISIENSI QI DAN DARAH

Jantung dan Limpa dapat rusak oleh kerja yang berlebihan, kurang istirahat atau kelemahan tubuh setelah sakit berat, Limpa yang rusak gagal membentuk Qi dan darah sehingga terjadi defisiensi Qi dan darah. Pada defisiensi Qi dan darah di daerah otak akan menimbulkan pusing tujuh keliling.

 

c.      SUMBATAN RIAK LEMBAB DARI DALAM

Pada riak lembab yang berlebihan, makan yang tidak teratur dan kerja terlampau keras dapat mengganggu lambung dan Limpa, sehingga fungsi transportasi dan transformasi terganggu. Akibat gangguan tersebut terjadi pembentukan riak lembab, riak dan Qi dapat menggangu naiknya Yang dan turunnya Yin sehingga menimbulkan pusing tujuh keliling.

 

PENGGOLONGAN

a.     Ekses Yang Hati

Gejala Utama :

·        Pusing tujuh keliling yang meningkat pada keadaan marah serta mudah tersinggung

·        Muka merah, mata merah

·        Telingan berdenging

·        Rasa pahit dimulut

·        Gangguan mimpi

·        Lidah merah dan selaput lidah kuning

·        Denyut nadi tegang dan cepat

ANALISA

·        Marah merusak Yin Hati menyebabkan ekese Yang Hati yang menimbulkan api

·        Api yang membumbung ke atas membuat muka merah, mata merah dan mudah tersinggung

·        Semangat yand disimpan di Hati terganggu sehingga terjadi gangguan mimpi

·        Lidah merah dengan selaput lidah kuning, rasa pahit dimulut, denyut nadi tegang dan cepat merupakan tanda defisiensi Yin akibat ekses Api.

b.     DEFISIENSI QI DAN DARAH

Gejala Utama :

·        Pusing tujuh keliling diikuti oleh pucat, lelah dan lesu, berdebar-debar, sulit tidur, bibir dan kuku pucat, malas, lebih pucat serta nadi lemah dan kecil.

·        Pusing tujuh keliling terjadi setelah penyakit berat atau banyak kehilangan darah dan semakin nyata setelah kerja berat.

·        Pada kasus berat kadang terjadi hilang kesadaran.

ANALISA :

·        Pusing tujuh keliling terjadi karena gagalnya Qi dan darah sampai di kepala

·        Jantung mendominasi darah dan limpa mendominasi transportasi dan transformasi untuk pembentukan Qi dan darah.

·        Bila jantung dan Limpa rusak Qi dan darah kurang mencukupi sehingga warna kulit tidak bercahaya, serta kuku dan bibir rusak

·        Defisiensi darah menimbulkan berdebar-debar dan sulit tidur, sedangkan defisiensi Qi menimbulkan kelesuan, malas kurang nafsu makan, yang meningkat akibat kerja berat

·        Lidah pucat, nadi lemah dan kecil merupakan tanda-tanda defisiensi Qi dan darah.

c.      SUMBATAN RIAK LEMBAB DARI DALAM

Gejala Utama :

·        Pusing tujuh keliling dengan rasa berat kepala dan rasa tertekan didada

·        Mual, riak yang berlebihan, kurang nafsu makan, mengantuk, selaput lidah putih dan lengket serta nadi yang lembut dan bergelombang.

ANALISA :

·        Pusing tujuh keliling dengan rasa berat dikepala merupakan gejala gangguan Yang sejati oleh riak lembab.

·        Rasa tertekan didada dan mual disebabkan oleh obstruksi daerah Qiao tengah.

·        Kurang nafsu makan dan mengantuk disebabkan oleh defisiensi Yang Limpa

·        Selaput lidah yang putih dan lengket serta nadi lembut dna bergelombang merupakan tanda peningkatan riak lembab.

 

TATA LAKSANA TERAPI AKUPUNTUR UNTUK VERTIGO

a.     EKSES YANG HATI

a.     Dipilih titik pada meridian Hati dan Ginjal untuk meningkatkan Ying dan menenangkan Yang

b.     Tusukan tonifikasi dan sedasi dipilih sesuai dengan kondisi penyakit

c.      Biasanya dipilih titik-titik

1.     GB 20  Fengchi (fungce)

2.     BL 18 Ganshu

3.     KI 3 Taixi

4.     BL 23  Shenshu

5.     LR 2  Xingjian

Penjelasan :

·        Tusukan tonifikasi dilakukan pada : BL 23 Shensu dan KI 3 Taixi untuk menambah air ginjal

·        Tusukan sedasi dilakukan pada : BL 18, LR 2 dan GB 20 untuk menenangkan Yang Hati.

 

b.     DEFISIENSI QI DAN DARAH

·        Dipilih titik meridian REN, Kandung kemih dan lambung dengan cara tonifikasi (kadang dimoksa) untuk menambah Qi dan darah.

Titik yang dipilih adalah :

GV20, BL20, CV4, ST36 dan SP6

 

Penjelasan:

·        Moksibusi pada GV20 mengakibatkan naiknya Qi dan darah ke kepala sehingga menurunkan pusing

·        CV4 digunakan untuk memperkuat Qi primer dan BL20 SP6 untuk memperkuat Limpa dan Lambung untuk membentuk Qi darah

 

c.      RETENSI RIAK LEMBAB DARI DALAM

Pemilihan titik Asosiasi (Su-belakang) dan titik Waspada (Alarm, Mu depan) dari Limpa dan Lambung merupakan upaya untuk menghilangkan lender dan menurunkan lembab.

Titik yang dipilih :

1.     ST 8  Touwei

2.     BL 20 Pishu

3.     CV 12  Zhongwan

4.     PC 6 Neiguan

5.     BL 40 Fenglong

Penjelasan :

·        BL 20 Pishu dan CV12 Zhongwan untuk memperkuat Limpa dan lambung sehingga menurunkan riak lembab

·        ST40 Fenglong merupakan titik Luo meridian lambung sehingga Qi menurun dan menghilangkan riak

·        ST8 Touwei sebagai terapi simptomatik pusing tujuh keliling

·        PC6 neiquan untuk merelaksasikan dada, mengatur Qi serta menyelaraskan Qi lambung untuk menghilangkan mual

saco-indonesia.com, Diakui Deddy, manajer Cherry Belle, pihak manajemen merasa lebih berat ditinggalkan Anisa Rahma ketimbang fa

saco-indonesia.com, Diakui Deddy, manajer Cherry Belle, pihak manajemen merasa lebih berat ditinggalkan Anisa Rahma ketimbang fans setia. Tak bisa dipungkiri lagi , hengkangnya Anisa juga bisa membuat Cherry Belle ditinggalkan oleh sebagian penggemar setianya.

Tak dipungkiri lagi, Anisa juga memiliki fans fanatik yang akan terus mendukung nantinya. Itupun juga diakui benar oleh Deddy sebagai orang yang telah mengatur kegiatan girlband asuhannya tersebut .

"Kita lebih merasa berat jika Anisa keluar daripada memikirkan ditinggalkan fans. Ada fans yang fanatik dengan Anisa, kita nggak melarang," ungkapnya saat dihubungi wartawan.

Menurutnya semua keputusan tersebut sudah ada ditangan fans untuk dapat mencintai personel yang telah mereka idolakan itu . Deddy juga meminta fans untuk dapat tetap mendukung keputusan Anisa itu.

"Pilihan ada di publik, saran kami untuk fans Anisa, tetap dukung Anisa. Please dukung, jangan melarang Anisa keluar. Kami nggak melarang Anisa," imbuhnya.

Terkait kabar Anisa ingin bersolo karir, dikatakan Deddy bukan lagi menjadi hak manajemen untuk dapat mengaturnya. Manajemen juga tak ingin menutup apa yang diinginkan Anisa dalam menyongsong masa depannya.

"Kami juga nggak mengerti soal itu, setelah ini apa yang dilakukan Anisa sudah bukan hak kami lagi. Kami juga nggak bisa menutup masa depan Anisa. Dia (Anisa) juga harus belajar untuk dapat mencapai jenjang yang lebih tinggi," tandasnya.

Editor : dian sukmawati
Sumber : kapanlagi.com

saco-indonesia.com, Menurut Deddy selaku manajer cherrybelle , ada sedikit kemungkinan Anisa Rahma untuk kembali lagi memperkuat

saco-indonesia.com, Menurut Deddy selaku manajer cherrybelle , ada sedikit kemungkinan Anisa Rahma untuk kembali lagi memperkuat formasi Cherry Belle. Oleh karenanya manajemen akan sesegera mungkin untuk mencari pengganti untuk dapat mengisi posisi Anisa.

Mencari personel baru bukan dimaksudkan untuk dapat menganti karakter Anisa di grup. Menurutnya Anisa tak akan pernah tergantikan. Terlebi Cherry Belle juga memang harus tediri dari 9 personel.

"Kalau balik lagi possibility-nya kecil ya, lagipula Chibi bersembilan, otomatis kami akan segera cari personel baru," jelas Deddy saat dihubungi wartawan.

"Kami juga akan mencari personel baru karena Chibi juga harus bersembilan, tapi posisi Anisa juga tidak akan pernah tergantikan," sambungnya dari seberang telepon.

Atas hengkangnya Anisa, Deddy juga berharap semua twibi dan twiboy (fans) agar tetap mendukung langkah Cherry Belle kedepannya. "Kami juga berharap semua fans (twibi twiboy) untuk dapat tetap mendukung chibi dan solid, jangan jadi fans pribadi masing-masing," harapnya.


Editor : dian sukmawati
Sumber : kapanlagi.com

    saco-indonesia.com,     telah aku maafkan semua kesalahanmu     asal kau ma

    saco-indonesia.com,

    telah aku maafkan semua kesalahanmu
    asal kau mau berjanji tidak mengulangnya lagi
    telah aku terima sakitnya dikhianati
    sedalam cintaku ini, selama hidupku ini

    hatiku cuma ada satu, sudah untuk mencintaimu
    tolong jangan sakiti lagi, nanti aku bisa mati
    cintaku cuma sama kamu, sayangku cuma untuk kamu
    tolong jangan hancurkan lagi, nanti aku bisa mati

    telah aku terima sakitnya dikhianati
    sedalam cintaku ini, selama hidupku ini

    hatiku cuma ada satu, sudah untuk mencintaimu
    tolong jangan sakiti lagi, nanti aku bisa mati
    cintaku cuma sama kamu, sayangku cuma untuk kamu
    tolong jangan hancurkan lagi, nanti aku bisa mati

    cuma kamu cuma satu, buat aku cuma kamu
    dirimu saja satu-satunya, kau raja aku ratunya
    let only one … just let me your lady
    don’t break my heart please please please
    …

    hatiku cuma ada satu, sudah untuk mencintaimu
    tolong jangan sakiti lagi, nanti aku bisa mati

    hatiku cuma ada satu, sudah untuk mencintaimu
    tolong jangan sakiti lagi, nanti aku bisa mati
    cintaku cuma sama kamu, sayangku cuma untuk kamu
    tolong jangan hancurkan lagi, nanti aku bisa mati
    tolong jangan hancurkan lagi, nanti aku bisa mati

    Editor : dian sukmawati

 

saco-indonesia.com, Ini adalah kali pertama Apple untuk mencoba bermain-main dengan ide pengembangan iPad berlayar besar, yaitu

saco-indonesia.com, Ini adalah kali pertama Apple untuk mencoba bermain-main dengan ide pengembangan iPad berlayar besar, yaitu 12,9inci.

Perangkat tablet dengan nama iPad Pro ini rencananya juga akan dirilis dalam waktu yang dekat ini. Namun belum jelas kapan jadwal pastinya.

Sebuah perusahaan riset pasar IHS, telah mengungkapkan bahwa sementara beberapa produsen juga telah menerima jumlah yang sama dari sebuah panel besar dan diidentifikasi sebagai produksi iPad.

Dikatakan pula bahwa iPad Pro ini juga akan memiliki bodi yang sangat tipis. Mungkin juga lebih tipis dari iPad Air, tablet unggulan terkini milik Apple. Tipisnya bodi iPad Pro dipastikan bakal akan menjadi unggulan tersendiri, mengingat saat ini banyak orang yang menginginkan gadget yang mudah untuk dibawa ke mana-mana.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Since a white police officer, Darren Wilson fatally shot unarmed black teenager, Michael Brown, in a confrontation last August in Ferguson, Mo., there have been many other cases in which the police have shot and killed suspects, some of them unarmed. Mr. Brown's death set off protests throughout the country, pushing law enforcement into the spotlight and sparking a public debate on police tactics. Here is a selection of police shootings that have been reported by news organizations since Mr. Brown's death. In some cases, investigations are continuing.

Photo
 
 
The apartment complex northeast of Atlanta where Anthony Hill, 27, was fatally shot by a DeKalb County police officer. Credit Ben Gray/Atlanta Journal Constitution

Chamblee, Ga.

Joseph Lechleider

Mr. Lechleider helped invent DSL technology, which enabled phone companies to offer high-speed web access over their infrastructure of copper wires.

Mr. Pfaff was an international affairs columnist and author who found Washington’s intervention in world affairs often misguided.

Ms. Pryor, who served more than two decades in the State Department, was the author of well-regarded biographies of the founder of the American Red Cross and the Confederate commander.

Mr. Alger, who served five terms from Texas, led Republican women in a confrontation with Lyndon B. Johnson that may have cost Richard M. Nixon the 1960 presidential election.

Mr. Goldberg was a serial Silicon Valley entrepreneur and venture capitalist who was married to Sheryl Sandberg, the chief operating officer of Facebook.

Dave Goldberg Was Lifelong Women’s Advocate

Photo
 
Many bodies prepared for cremation last week in Kathmandu were of young men from Gongabu, a common stopover for Nepali migrant workers headed overseas. Credit Daniel Berehulak for The New York Times

KATHMANDU, Nepal — When the dense pillar of smoke from cremations by the Bagmati River was thinning late last week, the bodies were all coming from Gongabu, a common stopover for Nepali migrant workers headed overseas, and they were all of young men.

Hindu custom dictates that funeral pyres should be lighted by the oldest son of the deceased, but these men were too young to have sons, so they were burned by their brothers or fathers. Sukla Lal, a maize farmer, made a 14-hour journey by bus to retrieve the body of his 19-year-old son, who had been on his way to the Persian Gulf to work as a laborer.

“He wanted to live in the countryside, but he was compelled to leave by poverty,” Mr. Lal said, gazing ahead steadily as his son’s remains smoldered. “He told me, ‘You can live on your land, and I will come up with money, and we will have a happy family.’ ”

Weeks will pass before the authorities can give a complete accounting of who died in the April 25 earthquake, but it is already clear that Nepal cannot afford the losses. The countryside was largely stripped of its healthy young men even before the quake, as they migrated in great waves — 1,500 a day by some estimates — to work as laborers in India, Malaysia or one of the gulf nations, leaving many small communities populated only by elderly parents, women and children. Economists say that at some times of the year, one-quarter of Nepal’s population is working outside the country.

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Continue reading the main story

His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

Advertisement

Advertisement

Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

Photo
 
Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

Photo
 
Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

Late in April, after Native American actors walked off in disgust from the set of Adam Sandler’s latest film, a western sendup that its distributor, Netflix, has defended as being equally offensive to all, a glow of pride spread through several Native American communities.

Tantoo Cardinal, a Canadian indigenous actress who played Black Shawl in “Dances With Wolves,” recalled thinking to herself, “It’s come.” Larry Sellers, who starred as Cloud Dancing in the 1990s television show “Dr. Quinn, Medicine Woman,” thought, “It’s about time.” Jesse Wente, who is Ojibwe and directs film programming at the TIFF Bell Lightbox in Toronto, found himself encouraged and surprised. There are so few film roles for indigenous actors, he said, that walking off the set of a major production showed real mettle.

But what didn’t surprise Mr. Wente was the content of the script. According to the actors who walked off the set, the film, titled “The Ridiculous Six,” included a Native American woman who passes out and is revived after white men douse her with alcohol, and another woman squatting to urinate while lighting a peace pipe. “There’s enough history at this point to have set some expectations around these sort of Hollywood depictions,” Mr. Wente said.

The walkout prompted a rhetorical “What do you expect from an Adam Sandler film?,” and a Netflix spokesman said that in the movie, blacks, Mexicans and whites were lampooned as well. But Native American actors and critics said a broader issue was at stake. While mainstream portrayals of native peoples have, Mr. Wente said, become “incrementally better” over the decades, he and others say, they remain far from accurate and reflect a lack of opportunities for Native American performers. What’s more, as Native Americans hunger for representation on screen, critics say the absence of three-dimensional portrayals has very real off-screen consequences.

“Our people are still healing from historical trauma,” said Loren Anthony, one of the actors who walked out. “Our youth are still trying to figure out who they are, where they fit in this society. Kids are killing themselves. They’re not proud of who they are.” They also don’t, he added, see themselves on prime time television or the big screen. Netflix noted while about five people walked off the “The Ridiculous Six” set, 100 or so Native American actors and extras stayed.

Advertisement

But in interviews, nearly a dozen Native American actors and film industry experts said that Mr. Sandler’s humor perpetuated decades-old negative stereotypes. Mr. Anthony said such depictions helped feed the despondency many Native Americans feel, with deadly results: Native Americans have the highest suicide rate out of all the country’s ethnicities.

The on-screen problem is twofold, Mr. Anthony and others said: There’s a paucity of roles for Native Americans — according to the Screen Actors Guild in 2008 they accounted for 0.3 percent of all on-screen parts (those figures have yet to be updated), compared to about 2 percent of the general population — and Native American actors are often perceived in a narrow way.

In his Peabody Award-winning documentary “Reel Injun,” the Cree filmmaker Neil Diamond explored Hollywood depictions of Native Americans over the years, and found they fell into a few stereotypical categories: the Noble Savage, the Drunk Indian, the Mystic, the Indian Princess, the backward tribal people futilely fighting John Wayne and manifest destiny. While the 1990 film “Dances With Wolves” won praise for depicting Native Americans as fully fleshed out human beings, not all indigenous people embraced it. It was still told, critics said, from the colonialists’ point of view. In an interview, John Trudell, a Santee Sioux writer, actor (“Thunderheart”) and the former chairman of the American Indian Movement, described the film as “a story of two white people.”

“God bless ‘Dances with Wolves,’ ” Michael Horse, who played Deputy Hawk in “Twin Peaks,” said sarcastically. “Even ‘Avatar.’ Someone’s got to come save the tribal people.”

Dan Spilo, a partner at Industry Entertainment who represents Adam Beach, one of today’s most prominent Native American actors, said while typecasting dogs many minorities, it is especially intractable when it comes to Native Americans. Casting directors, he said, rarely cast them as police officers, doctors or lawyers. “There’s the belief that the Native American character should be on reservations or riding a horse,” he said.

“We don’t see ourselves,” Mr. Horse said. “We’re still an antiquated culture to them, and to the rest of the world.”

Ms. Cardinal said she was once turned down for the role of the wife of a child-abusing cop because the filmmakers felt that casting her would somehow be “too political.”

Another sore point is the long run of white actors playing American Indians, among them Burt Lancaster, Rock Hudson, Audrey Hepburn and, more recently, Johnny Depp, whose depiction of Tonto in the 2013 film “Lone Ranger,” was viewed as racist by detractors. There are, of course, exceptions. The former A&E series “Longmire,” which, as it happens, will now be on Netflix, was roundly praised for its depiction of life on a Northern Cheyenne reservation, with Lou Diamond Phillips, who is of Cherokee descent, playing a Northern Cheyenne man.

Others also point to the success of Mr. Beach, who played a Mohawk detective in “Law & Order: Special Victims Unit” and landed a starring role in the forthcoming D C Comics picture “Suicide Squad.” Mr. Beach said he had come across insulting scripts backed by people who don’t see anything wrong with them.

“I’d rather starve than do something that is offensive to my ancestral roots,” Mr. Beach said. “But I think there will always be attempts to drawn on the weakness of native people’s struggles. The savage Indian will always be the savage Indian. The white man will always be smarter and more cunning. The cavalry will always win.”

The solution, Mr. Wente, Mr. Trudell and others said, lies in getting more stories written by and starring Native Americans. But Mr. Wente noted that while independent indigenous film has blossomed in the last two decades, mainstream depictions have yet to catch up. “You have to stop expecting for Hollywood to correct it, because there seems to be no ability or desire to correct it,” Mr. Wente said.

There have been calls to boycott Netflix but, writing for Indian Country Today Media Network, which first broke news of the walk off, the filmmaker Brian Young noted that the distributor also offered a number of films by or about Native Americans.

The furor around “The Ridiculous Six” may drive more people to see it. Then one of the questions that Mr. Trudell, echoing others, had about the film will be answered: “Who the hell laughs at this stuff?”