Lelaki sempurna yang kuimpikan
Lelaki sempurna yang kuimpikan
Adalah seseorang yang menenangkan jiwa
Lelaki sempurna seperti dia
Punya segala sifat indah tanpa cela
Lelaki sempurna berkiblat surga
Menyejukkan hati dengan akhlak mulia
Lelaki sempurna seperti dia
Menjadi penuntun dunia dan akhirat
Al Amin jujur amanah dipercaya
Fathonah cerdas serta tepati janji
Tawadhu rendah hati
Amiru berbuat baik
dermawan tawakal sabar hati
Istiqomah berada dijalan lurus
Itulah sifat rasul
Sifat sifat sempurna
Sifat lelaki dambaan kita semua
Lelaki sempurna seperti dia
Editor : Dian Sukmawati
KEKUATAN TIM MALAYSIA DI MATA RD
saco-indonesia.com, Bertemunya dua musuh bebuyutan Asia Tenggara, Indonesia kontra Malaysia di semifinal cabang sepakbola SEA Ga
saco-indonesia.com, Bertemunya dua musuh bebuyutan Asia Tenggara, Indonesia kontra Malaysia di semifinal cabang sepakbola SEA Games 2013 telah disambut Rahmad Darmawan dengan penuh gairah.
Arsitek Garuda Muda itu juga sudah mengintip penampilan calon lawannya kala Malaysia bertemu Vietnam di laga terakhir Grup B, Selasa (17/12) kemarin. Di Laga itu negeri jiran itu telah menang dengan skor 2-1. RD pun telah memberikan analisanya mengenai kekuatan Harimau Malaya.
"Barisan belakang mereka (Malaysia) juga sangat kuat dan bermain sangat rapi," ungkap RD tentang kekuatan utama Malaysia setelah mengamati laga kontra Vietnam.
Malaysia sendiri lolos dari Grup B dengan hasil yang cukup meyakinkan, tiga kali menang dan sekali seri alias tanpa pernah kalah.
Pertemuan di fase semifinal besok akan menjadi ulangan laga final di SEA Games edisi 2011 lalu yang telah dihelat di SUGBK, Jakarta. Ketika itu, Titus Bonai cs juga harus menyerah dari Malaysia lewat adu penalti dan merelakan medali emas jatuh ke tangan sang negeri tetangga.
Editor : Dian Sukmawati
RAKYAT KIAN ANTIPATI PADA SBY & DEMOKRAT
saco-indonesia.com, Pembebasan bersyarat terpidana 20 tahun penjara dalam kasus penyelundupan mariyuana, Schapelle Leigh Corby m
saco-indonesia.com, Pembebasan bersyarat terpidana 20 tahun penjara dalam kasus penyelundupan mariyuana, Schapelle Leigh Corby mencerminkan preseden buruk bagi penegakan hukum di era pemerintahan Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY).
Kebijakan bebas bersyarat bagi Corby jika telah menilik dari segi perbuatan pidana dinilai sangat tidak elok.
“Policy juga bukan masalah main-main. Ini telah menunjukkan pewajahan SBY dan pemerintahan dan secara tidak langsung SBY sudah mengambil tindakan politik. Bukan SBY sebagai personal tetapi pemerintahan melalui Kemenkum HAM. Saya telah melihat proses politik hukum yang diambil menyangkut pertimbangan-pertimbangan proses yang kemudian memiliki variabel politik,” terang analis politik Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Jakarta, Gun Gun Heryanto, Senin (10/2/2014) malam.
Menurut Gun Gun, sejatinya SBY di fase akhir kekuasaannya bisa mengambil kebijakan dan langkah politik yang lebih bijak karena keputusan pembebasan bersyarat terhadap Corby bisa saja telah menjadi kebijakan ceroboh pemerintahan SBY.
“Seharusnya jauh lebih positif dan menunjukkan apakah SBY sebetulnya mendukung proses pemberantasan korupsi dan narkoba karena narkoba kan massif karena menyebar hampir di seluruh strata sosial. SBY di akhir kekuasaan harusnya mencatatkan legacy yang positif,” sebutnya.
Dia juga melanjutkan, hal buruk apapun yang dilakukan oleh SBY akan berdampak buruk juga terhadap Partai Demokrat. Masyarakat pun kata dia, akan semakin antipati terhadap SBY dan partai berlambang bintang mercy itu.
“Makanya kalau sekarang SBY dan Demokrat diisukan negatif, di pemerintah pusat juga negatif akan berdampak pada citra partai dan masyarakat akan menjadi antipati kepada Demokrat. SBY juga harus memberikan penjelasan secara gamblang kepada publik terkait putusan itu. Kalau sudah jadi isu nasional, enggak ada salahnya SBY mengomentari itu,” tutupnya.
Editor : Dian Sukmawati
ATLETICO KEMBALI PIMPIN LA LIGA SETELAH 18 TAHUN
saco-indonesia.com, Setelah beberapa kali gagal dalam memanfaatkan kesempatan untuk menguasai puncak klasemen, Atletico Madrid a
saco-indonesia.com, Setelah beberapa kali gagal dalam memanfaatkan kesempatan untuk menguasai puncak klasemen, Atletico Madrid akhirnya tidak menyia-nyiakan peluang yang mereka dapatkan pada jornada 22 La Liga kali ini. Kemenangan 4-0 yang telah diraih di kandang sendiri atas Real Sociedad telah mengukuhkan mereka menjadi penguasa tunggal untuk sementara waktu.
Empat gol yang telah disumbangkan oleh David Villa, Diego Costa, Joao Miranda, dan Diego tersebut telah memantapkan perolehan poin Rojiblancos menjadi 57, unggul tiga poin dari dua rivalnya yang sama-sama terpeleset di pekan yang sama.
Seperti yang telah diberitakan sebelumnya, Barcelona telah terpeleset di kandang sendiri dengan tumbang 2-3 di tangan Valencia. Sementara Real Madrid juga hanya bermain imbang 1-1 melawan Athletic Bilbao di San Mames.
Ini juga merupakan kali pertama Atletico bertengger di puncak klasemen setelah menunggu 18 tahun lamanya. Kali terakhir mereka berada di urutan pertama adalah di akhir musim 1995-96, saat itu mereka telah menjuarai La Liga dan juga mencatatkan double winner dengan menjuarai Copa Del Rey.
Apakah ini telah menjadi pertanda bahwa Atletico akan mengulang prestasi gelar ganda 18 tahun silam? Hanya waktu yang bisa menjawabnya.
Editor : Dian Sukmawati
TIPS SEWA MOBIL JAKARTA UNTUK BERWISATA
Memilih untuk pergi berwisata ke luar kota bersama keluarga dan teman terdekat memang sangat menyenangkan. Namun jika berpergian
Memilih untuk pergi berwisata ke luar kota bersama keluarga dan teman terdekat memang sangat menyenangkan. Namun jika berpergian ke luar kota dengan jumlah orang yang banyak dan tidak memiliki alat transportasi akan dapat menjadi kerepotan tersendiri jika harus menggunakan transportasi umum. Apalagi ke daerah-daerah dengan akses transportasi umum yang kurang memadai.
Nah, salah satu cara yang bisa dilakukan adalah dengan menyewa mobil dengan sopir. Memang lebih enak memilih sewa mobil jakarta lengkap dengan sopirnya seperti yang menjadi salah satu layanan di trisanggaraya.com. Selain lebih mudah untuk berpergian, sopir tersebut juga telah mengetahui daerah yang akan dituju. Namun, kita harus tetap memperhatikan beberapa hal agar penyewaan mobil dan perjalanan wisata Anda tidak sia-sia. Berikut beberapa tips saat menyewa mobil dengan sopir.
Pertama, buat catatan kecil mengenai perjalanan Anda dengan rinci, yakni tempat-tempat mana aja yang akan Anda dan keluarga kunjungi. Setelah itu berikan catatan tersebut kepada sopir untuk ditentukan dan mengurutkan tempat-tempat mana yang terlebih dahulu akan dituju.
Kedua, pastikan mengenai hal-hal yang bersifat sensitif seperti biaya yang harus dikeluarkan untuk menyewa mobil bersama sopir, seperti biaya bensin selama perjalanan, uang makan, uang parkir, uang tiket masuk objek wisata, dan uang tips. Sehingga perjalanan Anda tidak terganggu oleh hal-hal sepele.
Ketiga, sebaiknya Anda telah melakukan riset terlebih dahulu mengenai tempat yang akan dituju melalui internet, media cetak, atau pengalaman teman. Mulai dari letak penginapan, jarak tempuh, dan estimasi biaya yang akan dikeluarkan.
Keempat, disiplinlah dengan waktu dan perkirakan waktu belanja Anda. Bila salah menggunakan waktu dengan baik, segala rencana yang telah disusun akan berantakan. Terlebih lagi hal tersebut dapat memperlama waktu penyewaan dan Anda bisa dikenakan tambahan biaya.
Kelima, Umumnya, pemakaian mobil dengan sopir berkisar antara 10-12 jam sehari, tergantung di masing-masing daerah di Indonesia. Bahkan beberapa daerah juga ada yang menyewakan mobil dan sopir selama 24 jam. Pastikan Anda memakai mobil tak melebihi waktu yang disepakati.
Kelima, bersikaplah dengan sopan terhadap sopir yang telah mengantarkan Anda. Namun, jangan terlalu mudah percaya kepada orang yang baru Anda kenali. Intinya, gunakan insting Anda untuk tetap berhati-hati selama berwisata. Hal ini juga untuk menjaga keamanan dan kenyamanan Anda dalam berwisata. Terlebih apabila memakai jasa sewa mobil jakarta, maka bisa dibuktikan dan dijadikan referensi ke teman dan relasi serta keluarga Anda.
DIJUAL CEPAT RUMAH DEKAT STASIUN BEKASI
Siapa yang tidak mau punya rumah strategis untuk akses ke mana mana, salah satunya rumah di kawasan dekat dengan stasiun, untuk
Siapa yang tidak mau punya rumah strategis untuk akses ke mana mana, salah satunya rumah di kawasan dekat dengan stasiun, untuk itu kami menjual rumah yg siap pakai di wilayah bekasi, untuk lokasinya pastinya sudah dekat dengan stasiun bekasi, sehingga memudahkan perjalanan anda untuk ke wilayah jabodetabek, dengan memakai jasa kereta api.
Selain itu kawasan / lokasi rumah yang kami jual berada di dekat pusat pembelanjaan SUMARECON BEKASI.
Anda sedang mencari rumah strategis di wilayah bekasi utara, dengan akses jalan yang mudah di tempuh .Di Jual Rumah Di Wilayah Bekasi Utara
Rumah yang kami tawarkan ini, berada di wilayah perumahan, dengan mempunyai fasilitas sebagai berikut :
1. Dekat Stasiun Bekasi
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3. Jalan bisa di lalui dua mobil.( jalan lebar, sehingga bisa leluasa untuk lewat 2 mobil )
4. Dua kamar tidur
5. Satu Gudang
6. 1 mushola
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8. Ada dak atas untuk jemur pakaian
Harga yang kami tawarkan sangatlah fantastis, dengan ukuran rumah yg sangat leluasa, serta akses jalan sangatlah mudah.
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Kata Keponakan Korban: Ari Wibowo Tanggung Jawab
saco-indonesia.com, Tjarmadi, petugas
kebersihan yang menjadi korban atas kecelakaan motor yang dikendarai artis peran Ari Wibowo,
JAKARTA, Saco-Indonesia.com — Tjarmadi, petugas kebersihan yang menjadi korban atas kecelakaan motor yang dikendarai artis peran Ari Wibowo, akhirnya selesai menjalani operasi untuk mengeluarkan darah yang mengendap di tempurung kepalanya.
Hal tersebut langsung disampaikan keponakan Tjarmadi, Samsidi. "Abis dioperasi baik-baik saja, semua berjalan dengan lancar. Kalau lukanya saya enggak lihat," ujar Samsidi ditemui di Rumah Sakit Pusat Pertamina (RSPP), Jakarta Selatan, Senin (10/6/2013) malam.
Setelah menjalani operasi, Tjarmadi langsung menjalani pemulihan di ruang ICU. "Sekarang di ruang ICU, dijaga anaknya, sama teman anaknya juga. Sekarang belum sadar," kata Samsidi.
Sejauh ini, menurut Samsidi, Ari bertanggung jawab penuh atas perawatan Tjarmadi. Seperti halnya ketika pria kelahiran Pemalang itu masuk unit gawat darurat, Ari disebut telah memberikan bantuan berupa makanan dan uang.
"Dia (Ari) ngasih makanan sama uang. Tapi saya enggak tahu berapa uangnya," ujar Samsidi.
Atas kejadian ini pula, Samsidi belum mengetahui apakah pihak keluarga Tjarmadi akan memperkarakan Ari. "Kalau anaknya belum sih, tapi dia (Ari) mau tanggung jawab," tekan Samsidi.
saco-indonesia.com, Meski masih berstatus awas di radius 10 kilometer, aktivitas Gunung Kelud pada 00.00 dinihari WIB hingga 06.
saco-indonesia.com, Meski masih berstatus awas di radius 10 kilometer, aktivitas Gunung Kelud pada 00.00 dinihari WIB hingga 06.00 pagi WIB, hari ini (18/2), telah terpantau normal. Namun, potensi lahar dingin masih telah menjadi ancaman bagi warga yang berada di sekitar bantaran sungai.
Dari pantauan Pos Pantau Gunung Kelud di Desa Sugihwaras, Dusun Margomulyo, Kecamatan Ngancar, Kabupaten Kediri, Jawa Timur, kondisi cuaca di atas gunung setinggi 1.731 mdpl dari permukaan air laut itu, berawan. Sedangkan embusan angin bertiup ke arah selatan. Suhu telah terpantau berkisar 19 hingga 21 derajat celsius dengan kelembapan udara 29 persen.
Untuk kegempaan, kata Kepala Pos Pantau Gunung Kelud di Desa Sugihwaras, Khoirul Huda, aktivitas tremor-nya telah terpantau berkekuatan 0,5 hingga 1 milimeter, amplitudo maksimal 0,5 hingga 1, kemudian satu kali gempa tektonik dan satu kali tektonik jauh.
"Meski aktivitas gunung terpantau normal, status Kelud masih awas. Sehingga, semua aktivitas di radius 10 kilometer masih tetap harus dikosongkan," terang Khoirul di Pos Pantau Gunung Kelud, Selasa (18/2).
Dia juga telah mengungkap, potensi ancaman lahar dingin pasca-erupsi Kelud, Kamis malam lalu, bisa terjadi di 28 sungai yang berada di wilayah Kabupaten Blitar dan enam sungai di Kabupaten Kediri.
"Ada banyak aliran sungai di Gunung Kelud, yang telah menjadi aliran lahar dingin. Hanya kita mengimbau kepada masyarakat di sepanjang bantaran sungai untuk tetap waspada jika melihat awan gelap di atas Kelud. Warga yang beraktivitas di bantaran sungai, harus mewaspadai awan gelap yang berpotensi bahaya lahar dingin," tandas dia mengimbau.
Editor : Dian Sukmawati
PETERPAN TERTINGGALKAN WAKTU
Kau terbangun dari tidur panjang yang lelahkan mu
Kau terbangun dari tidur panjang yang lelahkan mu
Sesali wajah mu merenta, kisah mu terlupa
Kau sadari semua yang berjalan t’lah tinggalkan mu
Dan tak dapat merangkai semua, dekat di khayal mu
Kau harapkan keajaiban datang hadir dipundakmu
Kau harapkan keajaiban meleng-kapi khayal mu
Kau biarkan mimpi tetap -
-mimpi yang meleng-kapi khayalmu
Kau terhenyak dan terbangunkan,
harapkan keajaiban datang, hadir di pundak mu
Kau mencari letak masa lalu yang lepaskan mu
Sesali wajah mu merenta, kisah mu terlupa
Kau sadari semua yang berjalan t’lah tinggalkan mu
Dan tak dapat merangkai semua, dekat di khayal mu
back to [#] , Reff
back to Reff
Editor : Dian Sukmawati
Negative View of U.S. Race Relations Grows, Poll Finds
Public perceptions of race relations in America have grown substantially more negative in the aftermath of the death of a young black man who was injured while in police custody in Baltimore and the subsequent unrest, far eclipsing the sentiment recorded in the wake of turmoil in Ferguson, Mo., last summer.
The poll findings highlight the challenges for local leaders and police officials in trying to maintain order while sustaining faith in the criminal justice system in a racially polarized nation.
Sixty-one percent of Americans now say race relations in this country are generally bad. That figure is up sharply from 44 percent after the fatal police shooting of Michael Brown and the unrest that followed in Ferguson in August, and 43 percent in December. In a CBS News poll just two months ago, 38 percent said race relations were generally bad. Current views are by far the worst of Barack Obama’s presidency.
The negative sentiment is echoed by broad majorities of blacks and whites alike, a stark change from earlier this year, when 58 percent of blacks thought race relations were bad, but just 35 percent of whites agreed. In August, 48 percent of blacks and 41 percent of whites said they felt that way.
Looking ahead, 44 percent of Americans think race relations are worsening, up from 36 percent in December. Forty-one percent of blacks and 46 percent of whites think so. Pessimism among whites has increased 10 points since December.
The poll finds that profound racial divisions in views of how the police use deadly force remain. Blacks are more than twice as likely to say police in most communities are more apt to use deadly force against a black person — 79 percent of blacks say so compared with 37 percent of whites. A slim majority of whites say race is not a factor in a police officer’s decision to use deadly force.
Overall, 44 percent of Americans say deadly force is more likely to be used against a black person, up from 37 percent in August and 40 percent in December.
Blacks also remain far more likely than whites to say they feel mostly anxious about the police in their community. Forty-two percent say so, while 51 percent feel mostly safe. Among whites, 8 in 10 feel mostly safe.
One proposal to address the matter — having on-duty police officers wear body cameras — receives overwhelming support. More than 9 in 10 whites and blacks alike favor it.
Asked specifically about the situation in Baltimore, most Americans expressed at least some confidence that the investigation by local authorities would be conducted fairly. But while nearly two-thirds of whites think so, fewer than half of blacks agree. Still, more blacks are confident now than were in August regarding the investigation in Ferguson. On Friday, six members of the police force involved in the arrest of Mr. Gray were charged with serious offenses, including manslaughter. The poll was conducted Thursday through Sunday; results from before charges were announced are similar to those from after.
Reaction to the recent turmoil in Baltimore, however, is similar among blacks and whites. Most Americans, 61 percent, say the unrest after Mr. Gray’s death was not justified. That includes 64 percent of whites and 57 percent of blacks.
The nationwide poll was conducted from April 30 to May 3 on landlines and cellphones with 1,027 adults, including 793 whites and 128 blacks. The margin of sampling error is plus or minus three percentage points for all adults, four percentage points for whites and nine percentage points for blacks. See the full poll here.
Ben Carson Says He’ll Seek 2016 G.O.P. Nomination
ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)
Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.
“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”
Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”
Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.
The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”
Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.
“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”
Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”
Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)
Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.
Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”
Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)
“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.
A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.
This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.
This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.
Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.
At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.
At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)
Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”
All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.
Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.
Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)
Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.
Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)
Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.
Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)
In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”
None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.
Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.
Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.
It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.
At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?
During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.
Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.
In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”
Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.
“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”
Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.
No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.
Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.
“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”
Edward Chambers, Early Leader in Community Organizing, Dies at 85
A lapsed seminarian, Mr. Chambers succeeded Saul Alinsky as leader of the social justice umbrella group Industrial Areas Foundation.
Jean Nidetch, 91, Dies; Pounds Came Off, and Weight Watchers Was Born
A 214-pound Queens housewife struggled with a lifelong addiction to food until she shed 72 pounds and became the public face of the worldwide weight-control empire Weight Watchers.
With Iran Talks, a Tangled Path to Ending Syria’s War
UNITED NATIONS — Wearing pinstripes and a pince-nez, Staffan de Mistura, the United Nations envoy for Syria, arrived at the Security Council one Tuesday afternoon in February and announced that President Bashar al-Assad had agreed to halt airstrikes over Aleppo. Would the rebels, Mr. de Mistura suggested, agree to halt their shelling?
What he did not announce, but everyone knew by then, was that the Assad government had begun a military offensive to encircle opposition-held enclaves in Aleppo and that fierce fighting was underway. It would take only a few days for rebel leaders, having pushed back Syrian government forces, to outright reject Mr. de Mistura’s proposed freeze in the fighting, dooming the latest diplomatic overture on Syria.
Diplomacy is often about appearing to be doing something until the time is ripe for a deal to be done.
Now, with Mr. Assad’s forces having suffered a string of losses on the battlefield and the United States reaching at least a partial rapprochement with Mr. Assad’s main backer, Iran, Mr. de Mistura is changing course. Starting Monday, he is set to hold a series of closed talks in Geneva with the warring sides and their main supporters. Iran will be among them.
In an interview at United Nations headquarters last week, Mr. de Mistura hinted that the changing circumstances, both military and diplomatic, may have prompted various backers of the war to question how much longer the bloodshed could go on.
“Will that have an impact in accelerating the willingness for a political solution? We need to test it,” he said. “The Geneva consultations may be a good umbrella for testing that. It’s an occasion for asking everyone, including the government, if there is any new way that they are looking at a political solution, as they too claim they want.”
He said he would have a better assessment at the end of June, when he expects to wrap up his consultations. That coincides with the deadline for a final agreement in the Iran nuclear talks.
Whether a nuclear deal with Iran will pave the way for a new opening on peace talks in Syria remains to be seen. Increasingly, though, world leaders are explicitly linking the two, with the European Union’s top diplomat, Federica Mogherini, suggesting last week that a nuclear agreement could spur Tehran to play “a major but positive role in Syria.”
It could hardly come soon enough. Now in its fifth year, the Syrian war has claimed 220,000 lives, prompted an exodus of more than three million refugees and unleashed jihadist groups across the region. “This conflict is producing a question mark in many — where is it leading and whether this can be sustained,” Mr. de Mistura said.
Part Italian, part Swedish, Mr. de Mistura has worked with the United Nations for more than 40 years, but he is more widely known for his dapper style than for any diplomatic coups. Syria is by far the toughest assignment of his career — indeed, two of the organization’s most seasoned diplomats, Lakhdar Brahimi and Kofi Annan, tried to do the job and gave up — and critics have wondered aloud whether Mr. de Mistura is up to the task.
He served as a United Nations envoy in Afghanistan and Iraq, and before that in Lebanon, where a former minister recalled, with some scorn, that he spent many hours sunbathing at a private club in the hills above Beirut. Those who know him say he has a taste for fine suits and can sometimes speak too soon and too much, just as they point to his diplomatic missteps and hyperbole.
They cite, for instance, a news conference in October, when he raised the specter of Srebrenica, where thousands of Muslims were massacred in 1995 during the Balkans war, in warning that the Syrian border town of Kobani could fall to the Islamic State. In February, he was photographed at a party in Damascus, the Syrian capital, celebrating the anniversary of the Iranian revolution just as Syrian forces, aided by Iran, were pummeling rebel-held suburbs of Damascus; critics seized on that as evidence of his coziness with the government.
Mouin Rabbani, who served briefly as the head of Mr. de Mistura’s political affairs unit and has since emerged as one of his most outspoken critics, said Mr. de Mistura did not have the background necessary for the job. “This isn’t someone well known for his political vision or political imagination, and his closest confidants lack the requisite knowledge and experience,” Mr. Rabbani said.
As a deputy foreign minister in the Italian government, Mr. de Mistura was tasked in 2012 with freeing two Italian marines detained in India for shooting at Indian fishermen. He made 19 trips to India, to little effect. One marine was allowed to return to Italy for medical reasons; the other remains in India.
He said he initially turned down the Syria job when the United Nations secretary general approached him last August, only to change his mind the next day, after a sleepless, guilt-ridden night.
Mr. de Mistura compared his role in Syria to that of a doctor faced with a terminally ill patient. His goal in brokering a freeze in the fighting, he said, was to alleviate suffering. He settled on Aleppo as the location for its “fame,” he said, a decision that some questioned, considering that Aleppo was far trickier than the many other lesser-known towns where activists had negotiated temporary local cease-fires.
“Everybody, at least in Europe, are very familiar with the value of Aleppo,” Mr. de Mistura said. “So I was using that as an icebreaker.”
The cease-fire negotiations, to which he had devoted six months, fell apart quickly because of the government’s military offensive in Aleppo the very day of his announcement at the Security Council. Privately, United Nations diplomats said Mr. de Mistura had been manipulated. To this, Mr. de Mistura said only that he was “disappointed and concerned.”
Tarek Fares, a former rebel fighter, said after a recent visit to Aleppo that no Syrian would admit publicly to supporting Mr. de Mistura’s cease-fire proposal. “If anyone said they went to a de Mistura meeting in Gaziantep, they would be arrested,” is how he put it, referring to the Turkish city where negotiations between the two sides were held.
Secretary General Ban Ki-moon remains staunchly behind Mr. de Mistura’s efforts. His defenders point out that he is at the center of one of the world’s toughest diplomatic problems, charged with mediating a conflict in which two of the world’s most powerful nations — Russia, which supports Mr. Assad, and the United States, which has called for his ouster — remain deadlocked.
R. Nicholas Burns, a former State Department official who now teaches at Harvard, credited Mr. de Mistura for trying to negotiate a cease-fire even when the chances of success were exceedingly small — and the chances of a political deal even smaller. For his efforts to work, Professor Burns argued, the world powers will first have to come to an agreement of their own.
“He needs the help of outside powers,” he said. “It starts with backers of Assad. That’s Russia and Iran. De Mistura is there, waiting.”
How Some Men Fake an 80-Hour Workweek, and Why It Matters
Imagine an elite professional services firm with a high-performing, workaholic culture. Everyone is expected to turn on a dime to serve a client, travel at a moment’s notice, and be available pretty much every evening and weekend. It can make for a grueling work life, but at the highest levels of accounting, law, investment banking and consulting firms, it is just the way things are.
Except for one dirty little secret: Some of the people ostensibly turning in those 80- or 90-hour workweeks, particularly men, may just be faking it.
Many of them were, at least, at one elite consulting firm studied by Erin Reid, a professor at Boston University’s Questrom School of Business. It’s impossible to know if what she learned at that unidentified consulting firm applies across the world of work more broadly. But her research, published in the academic journal Organization Science, offers a way to understand how the professional world differs between men and women, and some of the ways a hard-charging culture that emphasizes long hours above all can make some companies worse off.
Ms. Reid interviewed more than 100 people in the American offices of a global consulting firm and had access to performance reviews and internal human resources documents. At the firm there was a strong culture around long hours and responding to clients promptly.
“When the client needs me to be somewhere, I just have to be there,” said one of the consultants Ms. Reid interviewed. “And if you can’t be there, it’s probably because you’ve got another client meeting at the same time. You know it’s tough to say I can’t be there because my son had a Cub Scout meeting.”
Some people fully embraced this culture and put in the long hours, and they tended to be top performers. Others openly pushed back against it, insisting upon lighter and more flexible work hours, or less travel; they were punished in their performance reviews.
The third group is most interesting. Some 31 percent of the men and 11 percent of the women whose records Ms. Reid examined managed to achieve the benefits of a more moderate work schedule without explicitly asking for it.
They made an effort to line up clients who were local, reducing the need for travel. When they skipped work to spend time with their children or spouse, they didn’t call attention to it. One team on which several members had small children agreed among themselves to cover for one another so that everyone could have more flexible hours.
A male junior manager described working to have repeat consulting engagements with a company near enough to his home that he could take care of it with day trips. “I try to head out by 5, get home at 5:30, have dinner, play with my daughter,” he said, adding that he generally kept weekend work down to two hours of catching up on email.
Despite the limited hours, he said: “I know what clients are expecting. So I deliver above that.” He received a high performance review and a promotion.
What is fascinating about the firm Ms. Reid studied is that these people, who in her terminology were “passing” as workaholics, received performance reviews that were as strong as their hyper-ambitious colleagues. For people who were good at faking it, there was no real damage done by their lighter workloads.
It calls to mind the episode of “Seinfeld” in which George Costanza leaves his car in the parking lot at Yankee Stadium, where he works, and gets a promotion because his boss sees the car and thinks he is getting to work earlier and staying later than anyone else. (The strategy goes awry for him, and is not recommended for any aspiring partners in a consulting firm.)
A second finding is that women, particularly those with young children, were much more likely to request greater flexibility through more formal means, such as returning from maternity leave with an explicitly reduced schedule. Men who requested a paternity leave seemed to be punished come review time, and so may have felt more need to take time to spend with their families through those unofficial methods.
The result of this is easy to see: Those specifically requesting a lighter workload, who were disproportionately women, suffered in their performance reviews; those who took a lighter workload more discreetly didn’t suffer. The maxim of “ask forgiveness, not permission” seemed to apply.
It would be dangerous to extrapolate too much from a study at one firm, but Ms. Reid said in an interview that since publishing a summary of her research in Harvard Business Review she has heard from people in a variety of industries describing the same dynamic.
High-octane professional service firms are that way for a reason, and no one would doubt that insane hours and lots of travel can be necessary if you’re a lawyer on the verge of a big trial, an accountant right before tax day or an investment banker advising on a huge merger.
But the fact that the consultants who quietly lightened their workload did just as well in their performance reviews as those who were truly working 80 or more hours a week suggests that in normal times, heavy workloads may be more about signaling devotion to a firm than really being more productive. The person working 80 hours isn’t necessarily serving clients any better than the person working 50.
In other words, maybe the real problem isn’t men faking greater devotion to their jobs. Maybe it’s that too many companies reward the wrong things, favoring the illusion of extraordinary effort over actual productivity.
Robert Patterson Jr., Lawyer and Judge Who Fought for the Accused, Dies at 91
Judge Patterson helped to protect the rights of Attica inmates after the prison riot in 1971 and later served on the Federal District Court in Manhattan.
Fatal Police Shootings: Accounts Since Ferguson
Since a white police officer, Darren Wilson fatally shot unarmed black teenager, Michael Brown, in a confrontation last August in Ferguson, Mo., there have been many other cases in which the police have shot and killed suspects, some of them unarmed. Mr. Brown's death set off protests throughout the country, pushing law enforcement into the spotlight and sparking a public debate on police tactics. Here is a selection of police shootings that have been reported by news organizations since Mr. Brown's death. In some cases, investigations are continuing.
Sid Tepper Dies at 96; Delivered ‘Red Roses for a Blue Lady’ and Other Songs
Mr. Tepper was not a musical child and had no formal training, but he grew up to write both lyrics and tunes, trading off duties with the other member of the team, Roy C. Bennett.