jual foredi di bekasi jual foredi di cikarang jual foredi di jakarta

saco-indonesia.com, Usai mengamankan tanda tangan Greg Nwokolo, Persebaya telah kembali mengikat satu pemain asal Kamerun, Danie

saco-indonesia.com, Usai mengamankan tanda tangan Greg Nwokolo, Persebaya telah kembali mengikat satu pemain asal Kamerun, Daniel Monchare. Monchare akan dijadwalkan menandatangani kontrak di Kantor Kadin Jawa Timur (Jatim), Rabu (18/12) siang ini.

"Rencananya memang seperti itu. Dia akan teken hari ini," ujar sekretaris tim Persebaya, Rahmad Sumanjaya, Rabu pagi.

Dibanding tiga pemain asing lainnya, kedatangan Monchare juga terbilang terlambat. Ia seharusnya juga sudah mendarat di Indonesia sejak sepekan lalu. Namun Monchare harus tertahan di Nigeria karena urusan administrasi. "Sebab dia belum pernah main di Indonesia," jelas Rahmad.

Dengan demikian, Monchare juga merupakan pemain asing ketiga yang telah bergabung dengan tim juara Divisi Utama 2013 ini. Sebelumnya, tim asuhan Rahmad Darmawan lebih dulu mengikat gelandang serang Patrice Nzekou dan striker Emmanuel "Pacho" Kenmogne.

Selain sama-sama berasal dari Kamerun, ketiga pemain ini juga berada dalam satu payung agen, yakni Francis Yonga. Kehadiran Monchare juga diharapkan mampu untuk memperkuat tembok pertahanan Persebaya. Sebelumnya, Persebaya juga sudah memiliki Ambrizal, Manahati Lestusen dan Vava Mario Yagalo.


Editor ; Dian Sukmawati

Menteri Keuangan Chatib Basri mengatakan, kedatangan pemerintah ke DPR bukan untuk meminta persetujuan menaikkan harga bahan bakar minyak bersubsidi.

JAKARTA, Saco-Indonesia.com — Menteri Keuangan Chatib Basri mengatakan, kedatangan pemerintah ke DPR bukan untuk meminta persetujuan menaikkan harga bahan bakar minyak bersubsidi.

Chatib menjelaskan, tujuan pemerintah bolak-balik ke DPR hanya untuk membahas Rancangan APBN Perubahan (RAPBN-P) 2013.

"Persoalan mengenai kenaikan BBM ada di badan pemerintah. Di Pasal 8 Ayat 10, pemerintah hanya membahas APBN-P bersama DPR," ujar Chatib di Gedung DPR Nusantara III, Senin (3/6/2013).

Chatib menuturkan, pembahasan kenaikan harga BBM tidak bersamaan dengan RAPBN-P. "Kenaikan harga BBM tidak datang bersamaan dengan pembahasan APBN-P," ujarnya.

APBN-P dibahas dengan DPR selama ini karena ada perubahan defiasi dari asumsi makro. Selain itu, Chatib juga menyebutkan ada program pemotongan kementerian dan lembaga (K/L)untuk pengendalian defisit yang harus dibahas dengan DPR.

"Tentu APBN-P bergulir akan diselesaikan ketika harga BBM naik. Kalau pemotongan K/L, harus juga meminta persetujuan DPR," ungkap Chatib.

 

Sumber : Kompas.com
Editor : Liwon Maulana

saco-indonesia.com, Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) telah menjelaskan alasan pemerintah untuk mengeluarkan Peraturan Pem

saco-indonesia.com, Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) telah menjelaskan alasan pemerintah untuk mengeluarkan Peraturan Pemerintah Pengganti Undang-undang (Perppu) tentang Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK). SBY juga tak memaksa DPR untuk menyetujuinya.

"Menjadi hak konstitusional presiden untuk dapat menerbitkan Perppu dengan latar belakang, tujuan dan pertimbangan tertentu. Adalah menjadi hak DPR apakah setuju atau tidak dengan Perppu yang sudah dikeluarkan oleh presiden. Itu juga sudah ketentuan di UUD 45," kata SBY di Taman Mini Indonesia Indah, Jakarta, Rabu (18/12/2013).

Menurut SBY, salah satu alasan mengapa ia telah menerbitkan Perrpu MK karena telah melihat adanya krisis kepercayaan dari masyarakat kepada MK pasca mantan ketuanya, Akil Mochtar, tertangkap tangan menerima suap.

"Yang perlu saya sampaikan adalah mengapa Perppu MK saya terbitkan? Karena ada sejumlah latar belakang dan alasan. Saat ada sesuatu telah terjadi di tubuh MK, maka ada krisis kepercayaan dari rakyat terhadap MK kendati tidak ada persoalan dengan MK secara lembaga. Namun karena terkait pimpinan MK, ada gelombang ketidakpercayaan yang tinggi kepada MK," beber SBY.

Oleh karena itu, ia juga berkonsultasi dengan pimpinan lembaga tinggi negara dan memutuskan untuk segera menerbitkan Perppu MK tersebut.

"Setelah saya berkonsultasi dengan pimpinan berbagai lembaga negara, para pimpinan partai koalisi pemerintah dan para pakar tata negara, saya terbitkan. Perppu itu juga mengatakan kewibawaan MK agar tetap terjaga dan telah memiliki kepercayaan dari rakyat," ungkapnya.

Perppu MK ini, kata SBY, sangat penting untuk dapat memperkuat MK dan mengembalikan kepercayaan rakyat.

"Hal ini penting untuk berjalannya MK sebagai lembaga negara. Karena harus ada sesuatu yang baru untuk MK. Tujuan Perppu untuk dapat memperkuat, menjaga wibawa dan mengembalikan kepercayaan rakyat terhadap MK," tukasnya.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

saco-indonesia.com, Meski Internazionale telah menang atas AC Milan di laga derby della madonnina, Marco Tardelli rupanya telah

saco-indonesia.com, Meski Internazionale telah menang atas AC Milan di laga derby della madonnina, Marco Tardelli rupanya telah menyebut bahwa tim asuhan Walter Mazzarri itu telah masih memiliki banyak hal yang perlu dibenahi.

"Saya percaya bahwa masih ada masalah di Inter. Jarak dengan Juventus mengkonfirmasi kesulitan yang telah mereka alami, meski pelatih Mazzarri telah sudah menunjukkan kinerja yang hebat," tuturnya pada Radio Sportiva.

Sosok yang pernah menjadi juara dunia bersama Italia pada tahun 1982 itu juga tak lupa melontarkan kritik pada AC Milan.

"Selain itu, saya pikir Milan tidak memiliki kualitas untuk dapat bersaing di tiga teratas kompetisi domestik," tutup Tardelli.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Jaksa Penuntut Umum Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) menuntut terdakwa dalam kasus dugaan suap pembangunan Pembangkit Listrik

Jaksa Penuntut Umum Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) menuntut terdakwa dalam kasus dugaan suap pembangunan Pembangkit Listrik Tenaga Uap (PLTU) 1.000 megawatt di Tarahan, Lampung, pada tahun 2004 lalu , Izedrik Emir Moeis, dengan pidana penjara selama empat tahun enam bulan. Menurut Jaksa Supardi, politikus PDI Perjuangan itu dianggap terbukti telah menerima suap USD423.985 dalam pembangunan enam bagian PLTU Tarahan. "Menuntut, supaya majelis hakim telah menjatuhkan pidana penjara kepada terdakwa Izedrik Emir Moeis selama empat tahun enam bulan dikurangi masa tahanan," jelas Jaksa Supardi saat membacakan tuntutan Emir, di Pengadilan Tindak Pidana Korupsi (Tipikor), Jakarta, Senin (10/3/2014). Jaksa Supardi juga telah menuntut Emir dengan pidana denda sebesar Rp200 juta. Apabila tidak dibayar, maka mantan Ketua KomiI XI DPR itu harus menjalani pidana kurungan selama lima bulan. Sebelumnya, Emir didakwa telah menerima suap lebih dari USD423.985 berikut bunga dari Alstom Power Incorporated (Amerika Serikat) dan memenangkan konsorsium Alstom Inc., Marubeni Corporation (Jepang), dan PT Alstom Energy System (Indonesia) dalam pembangunan enam bagian PLTU Tarahan melalui Presiden Direktur Pacific Resources Inc., Pirooz Muhammad Sharafih. Atas tindakannya, Emir diduga bertentangan dengan kewajiban sebagai anggota DPR yang membidangi energi,sumber daya mineral, riset dan teknologi serta lingkungan hidup.

Tiga orang warga Tais, Kabupaten Seluma, Bengkulu, hilang terseret arus Sungai Seluma. Sementara satu orang telah berhasil menyelamatkan diri.

Tiga orang warga Tais, Kabupaten Seluma, Bengkulu, hilang terseret arus Sungai Seluma. Sementara satu orang telah berhasil menyelamatkan diri.

"Satu orang sudah ditemukan dalam kondisi tak bernyawa, sedangkan tiga orang masih hilang," kata Kepala Bidang Pelayanan Palang Merah Indonesia Provinsi Bengkulu Vice Elesse saat dihubungi dari Bengkulu, Jumat (14/3).

Vice yang sudah berada di tempat kejadian mengatakan bahwa lima orang warga itu berada di Sungai Seluma pada Kamis (13/3) sore untuk berbagai aktivitas.

Tiga orang korban yang masih hilang yakni Dayat (25) dan putranya Charsel (3) dan seorang anak lainnya Selfy (9). Sedangkan korban meninggal yang sudah ditemukan yakni Atri (9).

Para korban, kata dia, saat itu berenang di dekat bendungan Seluma itu, dan kegiatan tersebut rutin dilakukan warga setempat.

"Tidak hanya berenang atau sekadar mandi, korban lain Dayat dan anaknya Charsel sedang mencuci kendaraan roda empat lalu tiba-tiba terjadi air bah," katanya.

Hingga saat ini, kata Vice, Tim SAR juga masih menyisir sungai untuk dapat mencari korban hilang dan pencarian akan diperluas ke muara sungai yang jaraknya berkisar 12 kilometer.

Seorang saksi mata Yedi juga mengatakan bahwa saat air sungai tiba-tiba naik dan arus kencang sehingga menghayutkan kelima warga.

"Tiba-tiba air sungai naik dan arus deras, warna air hitam pekat," katanya.

Ratusan warga juga terlibat membantu Tim SAR untuk mencari korban yang masih hilang di mana dua orang korban yakni Dayat dan Charsel merupakan anak dan cucu mantan bupati Seluma, Murman Efendi.

Saco-Indonesia.com - Pihak berwenang Mesir menangkap seorang profesor sebuah universitas di Ibu Kota Kairo dan asistennya atas tuduhan telah meniduri 85 mahasiswinya untuk membantu mereka dalam ujian.

Saco-Indonesia.com - Pihak berwenang Mesir menangkap seorang profesor sebuah universitas di Ibu Kota Kairo dan asistennya atas tuduhan telah meniduri 85 mahasiswinya untuk membantu mereka dalam ujian.

Polisi menahan keduanya setelah mereka tertangkap kamera bersama dengan seorang siswi sudah menikah di apartemen milik sang profesor di Kairo, seperti dilansir situs emirates247.com, Senin (17/3).

Sebuah surat Kabar mengatakan polisi telah berhasil menempatkan kamera rahasia di apartemen pelaku untuk memverifikasi laporan dari beberapa siswi yang menyebut sang profesor terlibat dalam pemerasan terhadap beberapa mahasiswinya di Universitas Ain Shams.

Meski profesor tidak disebutkan namanya itu menyangkal tuduhan tersebut, tetapi sebagian besar korban mengakui mereka harus melakukan hubungan seks sebagai imbalan atas jawaban yang diberikan pelaku untuk menghadapi ujian.

Sumber:merdeka.com

Editor : Maulana Lee

Dampak dari kenaikan BBM, Mensos akan menanggulangi kemiskinan dengan membagikan Raskin juga akanmenungjang aktipitas sisi pemberdayaan mata pencaharian seperti warung , pertanian dan lain-lain, dan Pemerintahpun tidak akan tinggal diam terus akan berusaha agar dapat mengentaskan kemiskinan dinegara ini.

Sumber : Pro 3 RRI

Editor: Liwon Maulana

Satreskrim Polres Cimahi terus akan mendalami Dedeh Uum Fatimah yang berusia (38) tahun ibu tersangka pembunuh anaknya, Aisah Fany yang berusia (2,5) tahun yang ditenggelamkan ke dalam toren atau penampungan air. Termasuk dugaan aliran sesat dalam diri Dedeh.

Satreskrim Polres Cimahi terus akan mendalami Dedeh Uum Fatimah yang berusia (38) tahun ibu tersangka pembunuh anaknya, Aisah Fany yang berusia (2,5) tahun yang ditenggelamkan ke dalam toren atau penampungan air. Termasuk dugaan aliran sesat dalam diri Dedeh.

Pasalnya ibu tiga anak ini sama sekali tidak menyesali perbuatannya. Dedeh justru menyesal tidak menghabisi dua anak lainnya dalam insiden tersebut.

"Belum kita temukan, kita masih dalami kita juga geledah rumahnya tapi belum bisa kita simpulkan," kata Kapolres Cimahi AKBP Erwin Kurniawan , Jumat (14/3).

Dedeh saat ini masih terus dalam pemeriksaan intensif penyidik Polres Cimahi. Tes kejiwaan juga sudah dilakukan untuk dapat memastikan apakah terganggu atau tidak.

"Sudah hari Rabu kemarin di tes kejiwaan, hasilnya paling satu minggu baru keluar, jadi belum bisa kami simpulkan," paparnya.

Diberitakan sebelumnya, Dedeh ini dengan sadis tiba-tiba menenggelamkan anaknya sendiri yang masih balita ke dalam toren air di rumahnya di Kampung Cijengjing, Desa Kertamulya, Kecamatan Padalarang, Kabupaten Bandung Barat pada Selasa (11/3) lalu. Pelaku nekat menghabisi nyawa anaknya saat tidur pulas. Dedeh membunuh anaknya sendiri karena ingin mengirimnya ke surga.

Mr. King sang for the Drifters and found success as a solo performer with hits like “Spanish Harlem.”

WASHINGTON — During a training course on defending against knife attacks, a young Salt Lake City police officer asked a question: “How close can somebody get to me before I’m justified in using deadly force?”

Dennis Tueller, the instructor in that class more than three decades ago, decided to find out. In the fall of 1982, he performed a rudimentary series of tests and concluded that an armed attacker who bolted toward an officer could clear 21 feet in the time it took most officers to draw, aim and fire their weapon.

The next spring, Mr. Tueller published his findings in SWAT magazine and transformed police training in the United States. The “21-foot rule” became dogma. It has been taught in police academies around the country, accepted by courts and cited by officers to justify countless shootings, including recent episodes involving a homeless woodcarver in Seattle and a schizophrenic woman in San Francisco.

Now, amid the largest national debate over policing since the 1991 beating of Rodney King in Los Angeles, a small but vocal set of law enforcement officials are calling for a rethinking of the 21-foot rule and other axioms that have emphasized how to use force, not how to avoid it. Several big-city police departments are already re-examining when officers should chase people or draw their guns and when they should back away, wait or try to defuse the situation

THE WRITERS ASHLEY AND JAQUAVIS COLEMAN know the value of a good curtain-raiser. The couple have co-authored dozens of novels, and they like to start them with a bang: a headlong action sequence, a blast of violence or sex that rocks readers back on their heels. But the Colemans concede they would be hard-pressed to dream up anything more gripping than their own real-life opening scene.

In the summer of 2001, JaQuavis Coleman was a 16-year-old foster child in Flint, Mich., the former auto-manufacturing mecca that had devolved, in the wake of General Motors’ plant closures, into one of the country’s most dangerous cities, with a decimated economy and a violent crime rate more than three times the national average. When JaQuavis was 8, social services had removed him from his mother’s home. He spent years bouncing between foster families. At 16, JaQuavis was also a businessman: a crack dealer with a network of street-corner peddlers in his employ.

One day that summer, JaQuavis met a fellow dealer in a parking lot on Flint’s west side. He was there to make a bulk sale of a quarter-brick, or “nine-piece” — a nine-ounce parcel of cocaine, with a street value of about $11,000. In the middle of the transaction, JaQuavis heard the telltale chirp of a walkie-talkie. His customer, he now realized, was an undercover policeman. JaQuavis jumped into his car and spun out onto the road, with two unmarked police cars in pursuit. He didn’t want to get into a high-speed chase, so he whipped his car into a church parking lot and made a run for it, darting into an alleyway behind a row of small houses, where he tossed the quarter-brick into some bushes. When JaQuavis reached the small residential street on the other side of the houses, he was greeted by the police, who handcuffed him and went to search behind the houses where, they told him, they were certain he had ditched the drugs. JaQuavis had been dealing since he was 12, had amassed more than $100,000 and had never been arrested. Now, he thought: It’s over.

But when the police looked in the bushes, they couldn’t find any cocaine. They interrogated JaQuavis, who denied having ever possessed or sold drugs. They combed the backyard alley some more. After an hour of fruitless efforts, the police were forced to unlock the handcuffs and release their suspect.

JaQuavis was baffled by the turn of events until the next day, when he received a phone call. The previous afternoon, a 15-year-old girl had been sitting in her home on the west side of Flint when she heard sirens. She looked out of the window of her bedroom, and watched a young man throw a package in the bushes behind her house. She recognized him. He was a high school classmate — a handsome, charismatic boy whom she had admired from afar. The girl crept outside and grabbed the bundle, which she hid in her basement. “I have something that belongs to you,” Ashley Snell told JaQuavis Coleman when she reached him by phone. “You wanna come over here and pick it up?”

Photo
Three of the nearly 50 works of urban fiction published by the Colemans over the last decade, often featuring drug deals, violence, sex and a brash kind of feminism.Credit Marko Metzinger

In the Colemans’ first novel, “Dirty Money” (2005), they told a version of this story. The outline was the same: the drug deal gone bad, the dope chucked in the bushes, the fateful phone call. To the extent that the authors took poetic license, it was to tone down the meet-cute improbability of the true-life events. In “Dirty Money,” the girl, Anari, and the crack dealer, Maurice, circle each other warily for a year or so before coupling up. But the facts of Ashley and JaQuavis’s romance outstripped pulp fiction. They fell in love more or less at first sight, moved into their own apartment while still in high school and were married in 2008. “We were together from the day we met,” Ashley says. “I don’t think we’ve spent more than a week apart in total over the past 14 years.”

That partnership turned out to be creative and entrepreneurial as well as romantic. Over the past decade, the Colemans have published nearly 50 books, sometimes as solo writers, sometimes under pseudonyms, but usually as collaborators with a byline that has become a trusted brand: “Ashley & JaQuavis.” They are marquee stars of urban fiction, or street lit, a genre whose inner-city settings and lurid mix of crime, sex and sensationalism have earned it comparisons to gangsta rap. The emergence of street lit is one of the big stories in recent American publishing, a juggernaut that has generated huge sales by catering to a readership — young, black and, for the most part, female — that historically has been ill-served by the book business. But the genre is also widely maligned. Street lit is subject to a kind of triple snobbery: scorned by literati who look down on genre fiction generally, ignored by a white publishing establishment that remains largely indifferent to black books and disparaged by African-American intellectuals for poor writing, coarse values and trafficking in racial stereotypes.

But if a certain kind of cultural prestige is shut off to the Colemans, they have reaped other rewards. They’ve built a large and loyal fan base, which gobbles up the new Ashley & JaQuavis titles that arrive every few months. Many of those books are sold at street-corner stands and other off-the-grid venues in African-American neighborhoods, a literary gray market that doesn’t register a blip on best-seller tallies. Yet the Colemans’ most popular series now regularly crack the trade fiction best-seller lists of The New York Times and Publishers Weekly. For years, the pair had no literary agent; they sold hundreds of thousands of books without banking a penny in royalties. Still, they have earned millions of dollars, almost exclusively from cash-for-manuscript deals negotiated directly with independent publishing houses. In short, though little known outside of the world of urban fiction, the Colemans are one of America’s most successful literary couples, a distinction they’ve achieved, they insist, because of their work’s gritty authenticity and their devotion to a primal literary virtue: the power of the ripping yarn.

“When you read our books, you’re gonna realize: ‘Ashley & JaQuavis are storytellers,’ ” says Ashley. “Our tales will get your heart pounding.”

THE COLEMANS’ HOME BASE — the cottage from which they operate their cottage industry — is a spacious four-bedroom house in a genteel suburb about 35 miles north of downtown Detroit. The house is plush, but when I visited this past winter, it was sparsely appointed. The couple had just recently moved in, and had only had time to fully furnish the bedroom of their 4-year-old son, Quaye.

In conversation, Ashley and JaQuavis exude both modesty and bravado: gratitude for their good fortune and bootstrappers’ pride in having made their own luck. They talk a lot about their time in the trenches, the years they spent as a drug dealer and “ride-or-die girl” tandem. In Flint they learned to “grind hard.” Writing, they say, is merely a more elevated kind of grind.

“Instead of hitting the block like we used to, we hit the laptops,” says Ashley. “I know what every word is worth. So while I’m writing, I’m like: ‘Okay, there’s a hundred dollars. There’s a thousand dollars. There’s five thousand dollars.’ ”

They maintain a rigorous regimen. They each try to write 5,000 words per day, five days a week. The writers stagger their shifts: JaQuavis goes to bed at 7 p.m. and wakes up early, around 3 or 4 in the morning, to work while his wife and child sleep. Ashley writes during the day, often in libraries or at Starbucks.

They divide the labor in other ways. Chapters are divvied up more or less equally, with tasks assigned according to individual strengths. (JaQuavis typically handles character development. Ashley loves writing murder scenes.) The results are stitched together, with no editorial interference from one author in the other’s text. The real work, they contend, is the brainstorming. The Colemans spend weeks mapping out their plot-driven books — long conversations that turn into elaborate diagrams on dry-erase boards. “JaQuavis and I are so close, it makes the process real easy,” says Ashley. “Sometimes when I’m thinking of something, a plot point, he’ll say it out loud, and I’m like: ‘Wait — did I say that?’ ”

Their collaboration developed by accident, and on the fly. Both were bookish teenagers. Ashley read lots of Judy Blume and John Grisham; JaQuavis liked Shakespeare, Richard Wright and “Atlas Shrugged.” (Their first official date was at a Borders bookstore, where Ashley bought “The Coldest Winter Ever,” the Sister Souljah novel often credited with kick-starting the contemporary street-lit movement.) In 2003, Ashley, then 17, was forced to terminate an ectopic pregnancy. She was bedridden for three weeks, and to provide distraction and boost her spirits, JaQuavis challenged his girlfriend to a writing contest. “She just wasn’t talking. She was laying in bed. I said, ‘You know what? I bet you I could write a better book than you.’ My wife is real competitive. So I said, ‘Yo, all right, $500 bet.’ And I saw her eyes spark, like, ‘What?! You can’t write no better book than me!’ So I wrote about three chapters. She wrote about three chapters. Two days later, we switched.”

The result, hammered out in a few days, would become “Dirty Money.” Two years later, when Ashley and JaQuavis were students at Ferris State University in Western Michigan, they sold the manuscript to Urban Books, a street-lit imprint founded by the best-selling author Carl Weber. At the time, JaQuavis was still making his living selling drugs. When Ashley got the phone call informing her that their book had been bought, she assumed they’d hit it big, and flushed more than $10,000 worth of cocaine down the toilet. Their advance was a mere $4,000.

Photo
The roots of street lit, found in the midcentury detective novels of Chester Himes and the ‘60s and ‘70s “ghetto fiction” of Iceberg Slim and Donald Goines.Credit Marko Metzinger

Those advances would soon increase, eventually reaching five and six figures. The Colemans built their career, JaQuavis says, in a manner that made sense to him as a veteran dope peddler: by flooding the street with product. From the start, they were prolific, churning out books at a rate of four or five a year. Their novels made their way into stores; the now-defunct chain Waldenbooks, which had stores in urban areas typically bypassed by booksellers, was a major engine of the street-lit market. But Ashley and JaQuavis took advantage of distribution channels established by pioneering urban fiction authors such as Teri Woods and Vickie Stringer, and a network of street-corner tables, magazine stands, corner shops and bodegas. Like rappers who establish their bona fides with gray-market mixtapes, street-lit authors use this system to circumnavigate industry gatekeepers, bringing their work straight to the genre’s core readership. But urban fiction has other aficionados, in less likely places. “Our books are so popular in the prison system,” JaQuavis says. “We’re banned in certain penitentiaries. Inmates fight over the books — there are incidents, you know? I have loved ones in jail, and they’re like: ‘Yo, your books can’t come in here. It’s against the rules.’ ”

The appeal of the Colemans’ work is not hard to fathom. The books are formulaic and taut; they deliver the expected goods efficiently and exuberantly. The titles telegraph the contents: “Diary of a Street Diva,” “Kiss Kiss, Bang Bang,” “Murderville.” The novels serve up a stream of explicit sex and violence in a slangy, tangy, profane voice. In Ashley & JaQuavis’s books people don’t get killed: they get “popped,” “laid out,” get their “cap twisted back.” The smut is constant, with emphasis on the earthy, sticky, olfactory particulars. Romance novel clichés — shuddering orgasms, heroic carnal feats, superlative sexual skill sets — are rendered in the Colemans’ punchy patois.

Subtlety, in other words, isn’t Ashley & JaQuavis’s forte. But their books do have a grainy specificity. In “The Cartel” (2008), the first novel in the Colemans’ best-selling saga of a Miami drug syndicate, they catch the sights and smells of a crack workshop in a housing project: the nostril-stinging scent of cocaine and baking soda bubbling on stovetops; the teams of women, stripped naked except for hospital masks so they can’t pilfer the merchandise, “cutting up the cooked coke on the round wood table.” The subject matter is dark, but the Colemans’ tone is not quite noir. Even in the grimmest scenes, the mood is high-spirited, with the writers palpably relishing the lewd and gory details: the bodies writhing in boudoirs and crumpling under volleys of bullets, the geysers of blood and other bodily fluids.

The luridness of street lit has made it a flashpoint, inciting controversy reminiscent of the hip-hop culture wars of the 1980s and ’90s. But the street-lit debate touches deeper historical roots, reviving decades-old arguments in black literary circles about the mandate to uplift the race and present wholesome images of African-Americans. In 1928, W. E. B. Du Bois slammed the “licentiousness” of “Home to Harlem,” Claude McKay’s rollicking novel of Harlem nightlife. McKay’s book, Du Bois wrote, “for the most part nauseates me, and after the dirtier parts of its filth I feel distinctly like taking a bath.” Similar sentiments have greeted 21st-century street lit. In a 2006 New York Times Op-Ed essay, the journalist and author Nick Chiles decried “the sexualization and degradation of black fiction.” African-American bookstores, Chiles complained, are “overrun with novels that . . . appeal exclusively to our most prurient natures — as if these nasty books were pairing off back in the stockrooms like little paperback rabbits and churning out even more graphic offspring that make Ralph Ellison books cringe into a dusty corner.”

Copulating paperbacks aside, it’s clear that the street-lit debate is about more than literature, touching on questions of paternalism versus populism, and on middle-class anxieties about the black underclass. “It’s part and parcel of black elites’ efforts to define not only a literary tradition, but a racial politics,” said Kinohi Nishikawa, an assistant professor of English and African-American Studies at Princeton University. “There has always been a sense that because African-Americans’ opportunities to represent themselves are so limited in the first place, any hint of criminality or salaciousness would necessarily be a knock on the entire racial politics. One of the pressing debates about African-American literature today is: If we can’t include writers like Ashley & JaQuavis, to what extent is the foundation of our thinking about black literature faulty? Is it just a literature for elites? Or can it be inclusive, bringing urban fiction under the purview of our umbrella term ‘African-American literature’?”

Defenders of street lit note that the genre has a pedigree: a tradition of black pulp fiction that stretches from Chester Himes, the midcentury author of hardboiled Harlem detective stories, to the 1960s and ’70s “ghetto fiction” of Iceberg Slim and Donald Goines, to the current wave of urban fiction authors. Others argue for street lit as a social good, noting that it attracts a large audience that might otherwise never read at all. Scholars like Nishikawa link street lit to recent studies showing increased reading among African-Americans. A 2014 Pew Research Center report found that a greater percentage of black Americans are book readers than whites or Latinos.

For their part, the Colemans place their work in the broader black literary tradition. “You have Maya Angelou, Alice Walker, James Baldwin — all of these traditional black writers, who wrote about the struggles of racism, injustice, inequality,” says Ashley. “We’re writing about the struggle as it happens now. It’s just a different struggle. I’m telling my story. I’m telling the struggle of a black girl from Flint, Michigan, who grew up on welfare.”

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The Colemans in their new four-bedroom house in the northern suburbs of Detroit.Credit Courtesy of Ashley and JaQuavis Coleman

Perhaps there is a high-minded case to be made for street lit. But the virtues of Ashley & JaQuavis’s work are more basic. Their novels do lack literary polish. The writing is not graceful; there are passages of clunky exposition and sex scenes that induce guffaws and eye rolls. But the pleasure quotient is high. The books flaunt a garish brand of feminism, with women characters cast not just as vixens, but also as gangsters — cold-blooded killers, “murder mamas.” The stories are exceptionally well-plotted. “The Cartel” opens by introducing its hero, the crime boss Carter Diamond; on page 9, a gunshot spatters Diamond’s brain across the interior of a police cruiser. The book then flashes back seven years and begins to hurtle forward again — a bullet train, whizzing readers through shifting alliances, romantic entanglements and betrayals, kidnappings, shootouts with Haitian and Dominican gangsters, and a cliffhanger closing scene that leaves the novel’s heroine tied to a chair in a basement, gruesomely tortured to the edge of death. Ashley & JaQuavis’s books are not Ralph Ellison, certainly, but they build up quite a head of steam. They move.

The Colemans are moving themselves these days. They recently signed a deal with St. Martin’s Press, which will bring out the next installment in the “Cartel” series as well as new solo series by both writers. The St. Martin’s deal is both lucrative and legitimizing — a validation of Ashley and JaQuavis’s work by one of publishing’s most venerable houses. The Colemans’ ambitions have grown, as well. A recent trilogy, “Murderville,” tackles human trafficking and the blood-diamond industry in West Africa, with storylines that sweep from Sierra Leone to Mexico to Los Angeles. Increasingly, Ashley & JaQuavis are leaning on research — traveling to far-flung settings and hitting the books in the libraries — and spending less time mining their own rough-and-tumble past.

But Flint remains a source of inspiration. One evening not long ago, JaQuavis led me on a tour of his hometown: a popular roadside bar; the parking lot where he met the undercover cop for the ill-fated drug deal; Ashley’s old house, the site of his almost-arrest. He took me to a ramshackle vehicle repair shop on Flint’s west side, where he worked as a kid, washing cars. He showed me a bathroom at the rear of the garage, where, at age 12, he sneaked away to inspect the first “boulder” of crack that he ever sold. A spray-painted sign on the garage wall, which JaQuavis remembered from his time at the car wash, offered words of warning:

WHAT EVERY YOUNG MAN SHOULD KNOW
ABOUT USING A GUN:
MURDER . . . 30 Years
ARMED ROBBERY . . . 15 Years
ASSAULT . . . 15 Years
RAPE . . . 20 Years
POSSESSION . . . 5 Years
JACKING . . . 20 YEARS

“We still love Flint, Michigan,” JaQuavis says. “It’s so seedy, so treacherous. But there’s some heart in this city. This is where it all started, selling books out the box. In the days when we would get those little $40,000 advances, they’d send us a couple boxes of books for free. We would hit the streets to sell our books, right out of the car trunk. It was a hustle. It still is.”

One old neighborhood asset that the Colemans have not shaken off is swagger. “My wife is the best female writer in the game,” JaQuavis told me. “I believe I’m the best male writer in the game. I’m sleeping next to the best writer in the world. And she’s doing the same.”

 

WASHINGTON — The last three men to win the Republican nomination have been the prosperous son of a president (George W. Bush), a senator who could not recall how many homes his family owned (John McCain of Arizona; it was seven) and a private equity executive worth an estimated $200 million (Mitt Romney).

The candidates hoping to be the party’s nominee in 2016 are trying to create a very different set of associations. On Sunday, Ben Carson, a retired neurosurgeon, joined the presidential field.

Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk, as he urges audiences not to forget “the workers in our hotel kitchens, the landscaping crews in our neighborhoods, the late-night janitorial staff that clean our offices.”

Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, a preacher’s son, posts on Twitter about his ham-and-cheese sandwiches and boasts of his coupon-clipping frugality. His $1 Kohl’s sweater has become a campaign celebrity in its own right.

Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky laments the existence of “two Americas,” borrowing the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s phrase to describe economically and racially troubled communities like Ferguson, Mo., and Detroit.

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Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk. Credit Joe Raedle/Getty Images

“Some say, ‘But Democrats care more about the poor,’ ” Mr. Paul likes to say. “If that’s true, why is black unemployment still twice white unemployment? Why has household income declined by $3,500 over the past six years?”

We are in the midst of the Empathy Primary — the rhetorical battleground shaping the Republican presidential field of 2016.

Harmed by the perception that they favor the wealthy at the expense of middle-of-the-road Americans, the party’s contenders are each trying their hardest to get across what the elder George Bush once inelegantly told recession-battered voters in 1992: “Message: I care.”

Their ability to do so — less bluntly, more sincerely — could prove decisive in an election year when power, privilege and family connections will loom large for both parties.

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Questions of understanding and compassion cost Republicans in the last election. Mr. Romney, who memorably dismissed the “47 percent” of Americans as freeloaders, lost to President Obama by 63 percentage points among voters who cast their ballots for the candidate who “cares about people like me,” according to exit polls.

And a Pew poll from February showed that people still believe Republicans are indifferent to working Americans: 54 percent said the Republican Party does not care about the middle class.

That taint of callousness explains why Senator Ted Cruz of Texas declared last week that Republicans “are and should be the party of the 47 percent” — and why another son of a president, Jeb Bush, has made economic opportunity the centerpiece of his message.

With his pedigree and considerable wealth — since he left the Florida governor’s office almost a decade ago he has earned millions of dollars sitting on corporate boards and advising banks — Mr. Bush probably has the most complicated task making the argument to voters that he understands their concerns.

On a visit last week to Puerto Rico, Mr. Bush sounded every bit the populist, railing against “elites” who have stifled economic growth and innovation. In the kind of economy he envisions leading, he said: “We wouldn’t have the middle being squeezed. People in poverty would have a chance to rise up. And the social strains that exist — because the haves and have-nots is the big debate in our country today — would subside.”

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Who Is Running for President (and Who’s Not)?

Republicans’ emphasis on poorer and working-class Americans now represents a shift from the party’s longstanding focus on business owners and “job creators” as the drivers of economic opportunity.

This is intentional, Republican operatives said.

In the last presidential election, Republicans rushed to defend business owners against what they saw as hostility by Democrats to successful, wealthy entrepreneurs.

“Part of what you had was a reaction to the Democrats’ dehumanization of business owners: ‘Oh, you think you started your plumbing company? No you didn’t,’ ” said Grover Norquist, the conservative activist and president of Americans for Tax Reform.

But now, Mr. Norquist said, Republicans should move past that. “Focus on the people in the room who know someone who couldn’t get a job, or a promotion, or a raise because taxes are too high or regulations eat up companies’ time,” he said. “The rich guy can take care of himself.”

Democrats argue that the public will ultimately see through such an approach because Republican positions like opposing a minimum-wage increase and giving private banks a larger role in student loans would hurt working Americans.

“If Republican candidates are just repeating the same tired policies, I’m not sure that smiling while saying it is going to be enough,” said Guy Cecil, a Democratic strategist who is joining a “super PAC” working on behalf of Hillary Rodham Clinton.

Republicans have already attacked Mrs. Clinton over the wealth and power she and her husband have accumulated, caricaturing her as an out-of-touch multimillionaire who earns hundreds of thousands of dollars per speech and has not driven a car since 1996.

Mr. Walker hit this theme recently on Fox News, pointing to Mrs. Clinton’s lucrative book deals and her multiple residences. “This is not someone who is connected with everyday Americans,” he said. His own net worth, according to The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, is less than a half-million dollars; Mr. Walker also owes tens of thousands of dollars on his credit cards.

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But showing off a cheap sweater or boasting of a bootstraps family background not only helps draw a contrast with Mrs. Clinton’s latter-day affluence, it is also an implicit argument against Mr. Bush.

Mr. Walker, who featured a 1998 Saturn with more than 100,000 miles on the odometer in a 2010 campaign ad during his first run for governor, likes to talk about flipping burgers at McDonald’s as a young person. His mother, he has said, grew up on a farm with no indoor plumbing until she was in high school.

Mr. Rubio, among the least wealthy members of the Senate, with an estimated net worth of around a half-million dollars, uses his working-class upbringing as evidence of the “exceptionalism” of America, “where even the son of a bartender and a maid can have the same dreams and the same future as those who come from power and privilege.”

Mr. Cruz alludes to his family’s dysfunction — his parents, he says, were heavy drinkers — and recounts his father’s tale of fleeing Cuba with $100 sewn into his underwear.

Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey notes that his father paid his way through college working nights at an ice cream plant.

But sometimes the attempts at projecting authenticity can seem forced. Mr. Christie recently found himself on the defensive after telling a New Hampshire audience, “I don’t consider myself a wealthy man.” Tax returns showed that he and his wife, a longtime Wall Street executive, earned nearly $700,000 in 2013.

The story of success against the odds is a political classic, even if it is one the Republican Party has not been able to tell for a long time. Ronald Reagan liked to say that while he had not been born on the wrong side of the tracks, he could always hear the whistle. Richard Nixon was fond of reminding voters how he was born in a house his father had built.

“Probably the idea that is most attractive to an average voter, and an idea that both Republicans and Democrats try to craft into their messages, is this idea that you can rise from nothing,” said Charles C. W. Cooke, a writer for National Review.

There is a certain delight Republicans take in turning that message to their advantage now.

“That’s what Obama did with Hillary,” Mr. Cooke said. “He acknowledged it openly: ‘This is ridiculous. Look at me, this one-term senator with dark skin and all of America’s unsolved racial problems, running against the wife of the last Democratic president.”

Judge Patterson helped to protect the rights of Attica inmates after the prison riot in 1971 and later served on the Federal District Court in Manhattan.

A 2-minute-42-second demo recording captured in one take turned out to be a one-hit wonder for Mr. Ely, who was 19 when he sang the garage-band classic.

BEIJING (AP) — The head of Taiwan's Nationalists reaffirmed the party's support for eventual unification with the mainland when he met Monday with Chinese President Xi Jinping as part of continuing rapprochement between the former bitter enemies.

Nationalist Party Chairman Eric Chu, a likely presidential candidate next year, also affirmed Taiwan's desire to join the proposed Chinese-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank during the meeting in Beijing. China claims Taiwan as its own territory and doesn't want the island to join using a name that might imply it is an independent country.

Chu's comments during his meeting with Xi were carried live on Hong Kong-based broadcaster Phoenix Television.

The Nationalists were driven to Taiwan by Mao Zedong's Communists during the Chinese civil war in 1949, leading to decades of hostility between the sides. Chu, who took over as party leader in January, is the third Nationalist chairman to visit the mainland and the first since 2009.

Relations between the communist-ruled mainland and the self-governing democratic island of Taiwan began to warm in the 1990s, partly out of their common opposition to Taiwan's formal independence from China, a position advocated by the island's Democratic Progressive Party.

Despite increasingly close economic ties, the prospect of political unification has grown increasingly unpopular on Taiwan, especially with younger voters. Opposition to the Nationalists' pro-China policies was seen as a driver behind heavy local electoral defeats for the party last year that led to Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou resigning as party chairman.

Mr. Bartoszewski was given honorary Israeli citizenship for his work to save Jews during World War II and later surprised even himself by being instrumental in reconciling Poland and Germany.

Gagne wrestled professionally from the late 1940s until the 1980s and was a transitional figure between the early 20th century barnstormers and the steroidal sideshows of today